War and peace

 (Originally published in The Times of Israel)

I spent the morning with hundreds of others at the hostage tent on Aza Street near the Prime Minister’s house watching on a large screen as the live hostages were released. It was two and a half hours of anxiousness, relief, and elation. I then sat at a coffee house patio where everyone was in a celebratory mood. Right next to it is a storefront synagogue from which you could hear the sounds of prayers and songs of Hoshana Rabbah, the seventh and last day of Sukkot.

Adding to the poignancy of the moment, tonight is Erev Simchat Torah.  It was on Simchat Torah two years ago that Hamas invaded, raped, tortured, and kidnapped innocent civilians in what their delusional leaders and supporters thought would be the beginning of the destruction of Israel and the genocide of its inhabitants.

Next: the return of the bodies of 28 innocent hostages murdered in captivity. This will be very tough emotionally on the entire country, made even more so by the fact that  Hamas has already violated parts of the deal regarding this process. After that should be the disarming of Hamas, who are already reasserting their control in areas where Israel withdrew.

They are  brutally murdering anyone they label “collaborators” and anyone else they perceive as a potential threat to their rule.  Hamas is intentionally sending a message to Gazans: we’re still the power. Defy us and you and your family are dead.

If Hamas is not disarmed and completely taken out of the picture as envisioned by President Trump’s plan, and if the Palestinians do not give up the dream of destroying Israel, all of the flowery words about hope and a different future will be for naught. We will see more violence directed against Israel and, consequently, more misery and suffering for the Palestinians.

Today we celebrate. But there remains many difficult challenges ahead.

While diplomacy played a key role in getting the hostages released and the 20-step process endorsed by several key Arab nations, it is clear that we would not have reached this point without firm military action taken by Israel, often condemned by much of the world.

The key: the bombing of a building in Doha, Qatar, targeting Hamas leadership. While it failed to take out the leadership, it sent a clear message to the Arab world:  You are vulnerable, and we will target you if you harbor terrorists.

The deal and its prospects

(Originally published in The Times of Israel)

My reaction to the Trump-Witkoff-Blair-Kushner Gaza peace plan:  A huge feeling of relief and hope that our hostages may be released and the war may come to an end.  And an equally huge feeling of skepticism that it will actually happen.

The plan finally gives some hope for a better future after almost two years of anxiety, depression, and hopelessness.  At the end of a very long and windy road, it holds out a possibility of Gazans and ultimately Palestinians in general living in peace with Israel.  But it is fraught with possible pitfalls, both immediate and longer term.

Just a few of the major challenges:

--Hamas must release the hostages within 72 hours and must agree to disarm.  The hostages are their lifeline and bearing and using arms to kill Jews and to destroy Israel is their only purpose in life.  It is hard to see them abandoning that.

--Deradicalization of Gaza, which necessarily includes the giving up of deep-seeded and ingrained grievance, recognition of Israel's permanent position as a Jewish nation in the Middle East, and the abandonment of the dream of a Palestinian state "from the river to the sea and of a "return" to a place most, if any, have never been.

This is a major, if not the defining, part of the Palestinian identity.  To give it up is a very tall order.  Many students of the Middle East and of Palestinian society would say it is near impossible.

--Netanyahu's politics:  After decades in public life and 18 years as prime minister (continuous since 2009 except for 18 months), is there anyone who knows exactly what Netanyahu's bottom-line position is on Israel and the Palestinians?  What we do know is that he will say and do just about anything to stay in power and out of prison.

Ironically, Netanyahu's desperation may now be helpful in getting him to stick to his end of the bargain.  His future political survival is now so dependent on President Trump he could be forced to adhere to Trump's plan even at the risk of alienating the extremists in his coalition.

Blame and responsibility and what to do

 (Originally published in The Times of Israel)

It seems appropriate to be writing this on Tisha B’Av.  We are not at a point equivalent to the destruction of temples, but the problems facing Israel are formidable, and the mood here is depressed. 

Our government is incompetent at best. We are fighting a war nobody except the extremes is certain about.  We are in conflict, and many of us are internally conflicted:  we want a deal to get the hostages out, to stop the killing of our soldiers, and to stop the suffering in Gaza.  But we know that if Hamas is left intact in almost any form, it will be considered a victory for them and eventually we will very likely be subjected to missiles and terrorism again. 

We have some loudmouth politicians who, while not having any sway over policy, make some of the most condemnable, outrageous statements.  We have a Prime Minister whose primary if not exclusive objective is to stay in office and out of jail.  

He has given real power to some irresponsible, extremist ministers, and has acquiesced as they drive us toward destructive policies that undermine our standing in the world and threaten the democratic nature of the country.  

As David Horovitz recently wrote, our government’s actions and inactions have ended up with Israel holding the bag for the current situation in Gaza, whether justified or not. The extremists driving many of these policies would have us encourage the “voluntary” exodus of Gazans and permanently occupy Gaza, an outcome that would repulse the world and that the great majority of Israelis oppose.  

The world seems to have forgotten who started the war and that it would end immediately if Hamas were to release the hostages and lay down its arms. A recent survey shows that half of the American population does not even know that there are still hostages being held.  

The world is dumping on us, sometimes with justification, often with little or none.  Many of our “friends and allies” have turned on us, some reluctantly, many others with apparent glee and enthusiasm.  It is like they were just waiting for an excuse to pile on, regardless of whether the excuse is based in fact or not.

The world, including our “friends and allies,” seemed very quick to accept the fact that there is a famine in Gaza.  After all, many had predicted it almost since October 7.  And they seemed equally quick to blame it on Israel.  Some of Israel’s policies, and some of its loud-mouth politicians, gave them enough reason to lay the blame on us.

Genocide?

(Originally published in The Times of Israel)

 I wrote this on January 22, 2024:

‘Jew-haters aiming to eliminate Israel very deliberately decided to falsely attach the word “Apartheid” to Israel in the early 2000’s. With constant repetition, the lie has stuck.

Now, those Jew-hating Hamas sympathizers and their useful idiots are intensively working on attaching the libels “ethnic cleansing” and “genocide.” The libels are patently false.

But, just as with “Zionism is Racism” and “Apartheid,” one can expect that 20 years from now, it will be accepted wisdom amongst many in the chattering classes, those whose bigotry or ideology predisposes them to believe libels against Jews, and the just plain stupid that Israel is guilty of ethnic cleansing and genocide.’ https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/is-the-world-upside-down/

I was off by eighteen and a half years.  It took 18 months, not 20 years.

All over social media, on college campuses, at demonstrations protesting just about any perceived injustice in the world, charges of Israel’s alleged genocide in Gaza are made and accepted as truth.

It is one thing if some malicious individual or useful idiot wants to forget that it was Hamas, supported by many Gazans, who started the war on October 7, 2023 by breaking a truce and engaging in a murderous attack on civilians.

And if they want to forget that Hamas could immediately end the war and the suffering of Gazans by releasing the hostages and laying down its arms.

And if they want to forget that Hamas deliberately buries itself amongst civilians to achieve its explicitly stated goal of having as many Gazans as possible killed so that it can delegitimize Israel in the world’s eyes and gain the sympathy of ill-informed and morally confused people, many of whom are more than willing to cooperate in condemning Jews and the only Jewish-majority nation in the world.

And if they want to ignore real experts like John Spencer, the chair of urban warfare studies at West Point’s Modern War Institute, co-director of the Urban Warfare Project, and a founding member of the International Working Group on Subterranean Warfare, who has repeatedly stated that Israel takes more measures to avoid harm to noncombatants than any other army in the world, including the American army.

Democrats, Trump, and the bomb

 (Originally published in The Times of Israel)

Predictably, and sadly, partisan posturing did not abate even when it came to something as serious as the United States’ bombing of Iran’s nuclear facilities. 

With a few notable exceptions such as Senator John Fetterman and Congress Member Ritchie Torres, Democratic officials could not bring themselves to unequivocally declare that partially or completely destroying the nuclear capabilities of a fanatical regime that has promised to destroy Israel and that considers the U.S. a mortal enemy was a good thing.

The bombing of the nuclear facilities was a historic act for the good of the world. The Democrats should have supported it wholeheartedly.  Then they could have expressed their misgivings about the War Powers Act, and then they could have emphasized what a disaster they believe Trump is in all other respects.

That would have been the right position on policy, and the right position morally.  There is a very good possibility that it would have eventually proven to be the right position politically. 

Instead, ignoring the fact that presidents of both parties have not sought Congressional approval for military action on many occasions when they deemed it unnecessary or inconvenient, they harped on the Trump Administration’s failure to seek Congress’ consent. 

President Trump, being true to form, did not help matters by not briefing the Democratic members of the “Big Eight,” the group of senior members of Congress who traditionally receive briefings when the government is about to engage in military action. 

Within hours of the bombings, many Democratic legislators, with virtually no concrete evidence yet at hand, quickly pronounced it a failure because, they alleged, it only set Iran’s nuclear bomb development by two months.

Again, it did not help matters when President Trump, also long before receiving conclusive evidence, claimed the bombing “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear facilities.

Stating the obvious

(Originally published in The Times of Israel)

Given many of the reactions from politicians, commentators, and other members of the media to Israel’s war to rid Iran of its nuclear capabilities, it seems necessary to state the obvious:

A nation that is developing non-bomb nuclear capabilities does not bury them deep within mountains.

A nation that is intent on using nuclear capabilities for peaceful purposes does not repeatedly threaten to wipe another nation off the map and rid the world of Jews.

If a nation is not trying to hide the development of nuclear weapons, it does not take years to negotiate an agreement.  The nation simply agrees that it will not develop a nuclear weapon and it opens all of its facilities for inspection.  It does not play cat-and-mouse games for decades.

If a nation is not developing nuclear weapons, it does not enrich uranium to 60%.

The day before Israel acted, the International Atomic Energy Agency, an agency entirely invested in negotiations that often deceives itself into thinking that Iran is negotiating in good faith and is not intent on developing a nuclear weapon, adopted a resolution declaring that Iran was in non-compliance.  Rather than agreeing to comply, Iran stepped up its activities aimed at producing a bomb.

As David Horovitz explains, Iran was very close to a nuclear weapon, and the development of a nuclear weapon was part of a broader plan to invade and destroy Israel. Israel's response has been well planned and thoughtful, and its execution has been exemplary.

If anyone seriously believes that Israel undermined potentially productive negotiations and that the U.S. and Iran were on the verge of a satisfactory agreement, I would dearly like to show them a bridge I have for sale.

From both President Trump's statements and the fact that the U.S. moved non-essential personnel and family members out of harm's way, it appears very likely that the Trump Administration knew about the attack in advance.  Indeed, it appears that President Trump played a major part in convincing the Iranians that an attack was not about to happen.

Will fear prevail?

(Originally published in The Times of Israel)

American Jews have adapted to—pretty much to the point of resignation and acting like its “normal”—the fact that to do almost anything connected with being Jewish—go to synagogue, drop a child at day school or pre-school, work out at a Jewish community center, look around a Jewish museum, go to a meeting of any kind, go to a music or art show, in short, just about anything Jewish—they are going to face one sort of security measure or another, or several.

Jews know that to be a connected Jew in the U.S. today means being beeped in, showing identification, putting in a code, going through a metal detector, signing in, reserving prior to being told the location, and/ or being swept by a wand.

It is part of being a Jew in America in the 21^st century.  Jews do it without a second thought.  Few if anyone, Jew or non-Jew says “Hey, wait a minute.  This isn’t normal.  This is not the way it is supposed to be.  This is unacceptable.”  Because they’ve essentially accepted it.

Jews have also accepted the fact that there are streets and neighborhoods and many campuses across America where it is dangerous to publicly identify as a Jew.  There are places where Jews are afraid to wear a kippah (head covering), to speak Hebrew, to wear a Jewish star.

And displaying an Israeli flag or a sign expressing support for Israel, or putting a pro-Israel sticker on your car, or putting a pro-Israel button on your jacket, or putting a picture of a hostage on your lawn or in your window—the types of behavior that should be, and are for most people in America, accepted as just what you can do in a free country—they are very often considered ill-advised if not downright stupid. There has been no debate over it for quite a few years.

Then came the arson attack on the Pennsylvania governor’s mansion.  Then the murder of two young diplomats at the Capital Jewish Museum in D.C.  And then the Molotov cocktails at the Boulder walk for the hostages that caused 12 injuries, some severe.

Now Jews are wondering if it is even safe for them to gather in public spaces—to protest, or to walk, or to sing, or to pray, or simply to talk.  Many Jewish institutions and organizations—who already spend inordinate resources and time on security—are “reevaluating” their security measures.